Article #458
This Thursday, Nicola Willis will deliver Budget 2026. The headlines will be familiar: tight control of spending, focus on health, education, defence and law and order, a return to surplus.[1] To her credit, the Finance Minister has shown discipline.
On Tuesday, in her pre-Budget speech to Business North Harbour, she announced 8,700 public service job cuts over the next three years, $2.4 billion in savings, the merger of agencies, and AI as “a basic expectation” across government systems.[2] The public service had grown from roughly 48,000 in 2017 to over 63,000 by the end of 2024, a 33 percent expansion in six years against largely flat productivity growth. Trimming it back toward 1 percent of population is overdue.
The harder question is timing. The coalition has been in office for two and a half years. The electoral mandate was fresh in late 2023. Decisions of this magnitude, with this kind of political cost, are easier early in a term and almost impossible to deliver in election year without the optics looking opportunistic. The reforms should have been made then.
That delay matters because the bond market is a fickle lover when a country is carrying heavy debt and producing little productivity growth. Fitch has placed New Zealand’s AA+ rating on negative outlook, citing rising challenges in reducing debt after years of delayed fiscal consolidation; debt to GDP is projected to reach 56 percent by 2027.[3] The 10-year government bond yield is sitting near 4.7 percent. Every basis point on that yield translates into real money in interest costs. Markets are watching, and they are no longer giving New Zealand the benefit of the doubt.
This is the fiscal context in which the campaign begins.
Budget Day on the 28th is not really the main event. It is the starting gun for the election campaign that ends on 7 November. And the backdrop against which that campaign will be fought is grim.
The NZX 50 touched fresh lows this week. The Gross Index, which includes reinvested dividends, has delivered a total return of around 3 percent over the past five years.[4] That is less than 1 percent per year in nominal terms. Strip out dividends, and the price-only index is in negative territory. Once you factor in cumulative inflation of around 20 percent, New Zealand investors have gone backwards by close to 17 percent in real purchasing power. No other major Western bourse can claim that distinction. The S&P 500 has roughly doubled. The ASX 200 is up around a third. The FTSE, long the laggard of major markets, has still delivered around 30 percent. Even the Nikkei, dormant for two decades, has delivered roughly 70 percent.
This matters because when the stock market is not creating wealth, politicians look for ways to redistribute existing wealth. That is the genuine political logic of the moment, and it is amplified by the mechanics of MMP. Labour cannot govern alone. To form a government, it will need the Greens and almost certainly Te Pāti Māori. Whatever Labour campaigns on, the coalition partners will demand more.
Labour has confirmed it will campaign on a capital gains tax targeted at residential and commercial property, with revenue ringfenced for free GP visits.[5] The Greens have gone further, proposing a 2.5 percent annual wealth tax on net assets above $2 million, and a 33 percent inheritance tax on lifetime gifts and estates above a $1 million threshold.[6] Te Pāti Māori has signalled wealth taxes as a coalition bottom line.[7] Fitch has reportedly been briefed on tax measures beyond what Labour has publicly disclosed.[8]
The Greens’ inheritance tax proposal is the one to pay closest attention to. It is, in everything but name, the return of estate duty. And it is worth remembering, on the eve of a Budget that opens an election year, why New Zealand abandoned that tax in 1992.
Estate duty was sold as a tool of equity. In practice, it became a destroyer of family legacies. By the early 1970s, rates had climbed as high as 40 percent, with thresholds catching far more than just the wealthy.[9] For families whose wealth was tied up in illiquid assets, the death of a patriarch or matriarch triggered financial catastrophe.
The Hawke’s Bay orcharding sector provides stark examples. Local orchardists who had spent decades developing pipfruit operations found their estates assessed at development values rather than agricultural income values. Families faced duty bills exceeding several years of profit. The choice was bleak: sell blocks to developers, or take on crippling loans.[10] Many spent thirty years or more servicing that debt, an entire generation lost to a single tax assessment. A block of land that had taken a grandfather forty years to develop into productive orchard could be lost to an unexpected death and an Inland Revenue assessment within eighteen months.
The Waikato dairy sector tells the same story. Multi-generational farms were forced to sell down herds and land to meet duty bills. The remaining operations often lacked the scale needed to remain viable, and some families saw their children leave farming altogether.[11] It was not incompetence that ended these legacies. It was a tax code that demanded immediate liquidity from operations that simply do not generate it.
Rural service businesses, the stock and station agents, transport firms, processing contractors, faced the same pressure. Many took on outside investors to meet duty bills, and those investors eventually engineered buyouts. The consolidation of New Zealand’s agricultural service sector during the 1980s owed much to estate duty’s destabilising effect.[12]
Defenders argued at the time, and will argue again, that proper planning could avoid these outcomes. Two things are worth saying about that. First, the planning itself was a deadweight cost. Families spent thousands on lawyers and accountants navigating frequently changing rules rather than reinvesting in their enterprises.[13] Second, deaths do not arrive on schedule.
What does prudence look like in practice? It looks like reviewing trust structures that may have been set up two decades ago under different rules. It looks like understanding which assets sit where, who owns what, and what the liquidity profile of an estate actually is on any given day. It looks like considering whether life insurance has a role to play in funding potential tax liabilities. It looks like beginning the conversations between generations that families instinctively defer.
The lesson from estate duty is not that all tax is bad. It is that taxes on illiquid family assets transfer productive wealth from those who built it to whoever has the ready cash to buy at distress prices. That is not redistribution. It is destruction. And it is being proposed at a moment when fewer families have the financial cushion to weather it, against a stock market that has produced no real wealth for half a decade.
Thursday’s Budget will not settle this debate. It opens it. Families with farm, orchard, or business assets ought to be reviewing their structures now, seeking wise counsel from advisers who understand both the tax architecture and the fiduciary weight of decisions made under pressure. None of this argues for selling out of New Zealand equities at the lows: capitulation at the bottom is the parallel mistake, the same wealth destruction by another route. The answer is diversification and counsel, not retreat. The families who recovered from estate duty were almost always those who took advice early. The ones who lost everything were those who waited until the tax was already in force.
History rhymes. It does not, thankfully, repeat. But only if we are paying attention.
Nick Stewart
(Ngāi Tahu, Ngāti Huirapa, Ngāti Māmoe,
Ngāti Waitaha)
Financial Adviser and CEO at Stewart Group
Stewart Group is a Hawke's Bay and Wellington based CEFEX & BCorp certified financial planning and advisory firm providing personal fiduciary services, Wealth Management, Risk Insurance & KiwiSaver scheme solutions.
The information provided, or any opinions expressed in this article, are of a general nature only and should not be construed or relied on as a recommendation to invest in a financial product or class of financial products. You should seek financial advice specific to your circumstances from a Financial Adviser before making any financial decisions. A disclosure statement can be obtained free of charge by calling 0800 878 961 or visit our website, www.stewartgroup.co.nz
REFERENCES
[1] The Treasury, Budget 2026, 28 May 2026, treasury.govt.nz/publications/budgets/budget-2026
[2] NZ Herald, Nicola Willis’ public service cuts to save $2.4b, 8700 jobs to go, 19 May 2026; 1News, Thousands of public service jobs to go, major Govt shake-up announced, 19 May 2026
[3] Fitch Ratings, New Zealand AA+ outlook revised to negative, March 2026; Trading Economics, New Zealand 10-Year Government Bond Yield
[4] S&P/NZX 50 Gross Index, 5-year return data to 20 May 2026, NZX and Yahoo Finance
[5] NZ Herald, Labour’s capital gains tax: Chris Hipkins celebrates ‘progressive’ policy, 28 October 2025
[6] Become Wealth, Wealth Tax NZ: What It Means and Who Would Pay, April 2026; Green Party Alternative Budget 2025
[7] RNZ, Te Pāti Māori proposes suite of changes in new tax policies
[8] Scoop News, Fitch Report Exposes Labour’s Secret Tax Agenda, 29 April 2026
[9] Inland Revenue Department, Annual Report 1975 (Wellington: Government Printer, 1976), 23-25
[10] P.J. Skellerup, “Estate Duty and the New Zealand Horticultural Sector,” NZ Journal of Agricultural Economics 3, no. 2 (1979): 45-52
[11] Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, Agricultural Statistics 1980 (Wellington: Government Printer, 1981), 67-89
[12] R.M. Sandrey and S.R. Reynolds, “Structural Change in New Zealand Agriculture 1972-1987,” Review of Marketing and Agricultural Economics 58, no. 1 (1990): 15-28
[13] NZ Law Society, Submission on Estate and Gift Duties Amendment Bill (Wellington: NZLS, 1983), 8-12
